Pierson v. Ray
386 U.S. 547 (1967)
- Status
- Current
- Version
- 1.0
- Date
- October 13, 2026
- Court
- Supreme Court of the United States
On this page
Incident Summary & Facts
In 1961, a group of 15 white and Black Episcopal clergymen on a “prayer pilgrimage” from New Orleans to Detroit went to the interstate bus terminal in Jackson, Mississippi. Their letters showed that they planned from the start to use the segregated facilities there and fully expected to be arrested. They entered a waiting room marked “White Waiting Room Only — By Order of the Police Department” and turned toward the terminal restaurant. Two officers who had been awaiting them, Griffith and Nichols, ordered them to “move on.” The ministers said they wanted to eat and refused. Captain Ray arrived minutes later, and the ministers were arrested under a Mississippi breach-of-the-peace statute.
All witnesses, including the officers, agreed that the ministers were peaceful and orderly. The ministers testified that no crowd was present. The police testified that 25 to 30 people followed the ministers in, “in a very dissatisfied and ugly mood,” mumbling and making unspecified threatening gestures, but they described no specific threatening incident. They took no action against the crowd because they “had determined that the ministers was the cause of the violence if any might occur.” A municipal police justice, Judge Spencer, convicted the ministers. After one was acquitted on appeal de novo, the charges against the rest were dropped. The statute was later held unconstitutional as applied to similar facts in Thomas v. Mississippi (1965).
The ministers sued the officers and the judge under 42 U.S.C. § 1983 and for common-law false arrest. A jury found for the defendants. The Fifth Circuit held the judge immune, held the officers could not raise good faith under § 1983, and ordered a new trial. The Supreme Court granted cross-petitions. The case did not involve a use-of-force encounter.
Core Legal Issue
Whether (1) a local judge is immune from § 1983 damages for an unconstitutional conviction; (2) police officers may defend a § 1983 unconstitutional-arrest claim by showing they acted in good faith and with probable cause under a statute they reasonably believed valid; and (3) plaintiffs who anticipated an illegal arrest consented to it.
The Holding
Judges are absolutely immune from § 1983 damages for acts within their judicial jurisdiction. Police officers may assert a defense of good faith and probable cause to a § 1983 arrest claim. The ministers’ expectation of arrest did not amount to consent. The Court affirmed in part, reversed in part, and remanded for a new trial.
The Court’s Analysis:
- Judicial immunity was solidly established at common law. It applies even to allegations of malice or corruption and exists “for the benefit of the public.” Section 1983 gave no clear indication that Congress meant to abolish it, as Tenney v. Brandhove held for legislative immunity.
- Police have never had absolute immunity, but “a policeman’s lot is not so unhappy that he must choose between being charged with dereliction of duty if he does not arrest when he has probable cause, and being mulcted in damages if he does.” An officer “is not charged with predicting the future course of constitutional law.”
- Monroe v. Pape decided no immunity question. Section 1983 is read against the background of tort law, which includes the defense of good faith and probable cause for arresting officers.
- The defense turns on the facts. If the jury believed the officers that a crowd threatened imminent violence, and found that they reasonably and in good faith believed the arrest was constitutional, the officers would prevail even if the arrest was in fact unconstitutional. A new trial was needed because the first verdict was tainted by prejudicial cross-examination.
- The ministers’ peaceful, deliberate exercise of their rights was not consent. There was no proof they “tricked or goaded the officers.”
- Dissent (Douglas, J.): He argued that “every person” in § 1983 includes judges, that Congress knew judges were implicated in the abuses the 1871 Act targeted, and that judges should not be immune for knowing, intentional deprivations of civil rights.